Restaurarea casei 364

9/12/2013

Adela Pârvu a scris un articol despre una dintre restaurările pe care colegii mei le fac în zona protejată „Centrul istoric al Roșiei Montană”. E important că munca lor este recunoscută. Pentru că e o muncă de o calitate deosebită! Dar nu mai comentez, ci las imaginile să vorbească. Vedeți și articolul Adelei, ca să […]

Mineritul aurifer responsabil și dis...

31/10/2013

Un nou raport de cercetare al World Gold Council demonstrează în detaliu rolul constructiv pe care mineritul aurifer responsabil îl are dezvoltarea durabilă socio-economică, în special în țările gazdă.

Școala de lângă mina cu cianuri

30/10/2013

Am scris despre mina de aur Martha, din orașul Waihi, de câteva ori. Dar acest videoclip spune mult mai mult decât vorbele.

Beneficiile economice pentru România...

21/10/2013

Proiectul Roșia Montană va genera aproximativ 2,3 miliarde dolari pentru statul român și venituri de aproape 2,9 miliarde dolari în economia României.

Cele mai cunoscute monede de aur din...

17/05/2013

Monedele de aur se bat pentru tezaurizare și pentru vânzare. Sunt oameni – din ce în ce mai mulți – care preferă să cumpere aur în loc să-și deschidă conturi de economii.

Casa 364_3_14
Responsible Gold Mining and Value Distribution
Scoala Waihi
Infografic-efectele-economice-rmgc1
Top monede de aur_Kugerrand
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Iazuri de decantare din lume


Categorii: Cum se face la alţii

În România, cianura s-a folosit în mineritul aurifer de pe la începutul anilor ’50. Întâi la Gura Barza (lângă Brad), apoi la Baia de Arieş (despre asta am scris aici) şi la Baia Mare. În lume, se foloseşte de peste 100 de ani.  Peste 90% din aurul extras în lume în ultimii 20 de ani a fost obţinut astfel. Iată câteva fotografii de la mine de aur care folosesc această tehnologie:

1. Mina Martha, oraşul Waihi, Noua Zeelandă

Imagine generală a sistemului iazului de decantare. Aici se observă cum a început reabilitarea lui şi situarea sa faţă de zona locuită

Imagine generală

Se văd lucrările de reabilitare, adică zonele verzi de pe versant

Iazul

Deşi iazul este încă în funcţiune şi nu este complet reabilitat, vitele merg la păscut

Vite la păscut

Foarte multe familii de raţe locuiesc pe suprafaţa iazului

Foarte multe familii de raţe locuiesc pe suprafaţa iazului

Notă: Fotografiile de mai sus au fost făute de colegi de-ai mei care au vizitat zona (mersi, Horea!).

2. Mina Kittila, Finlanda – cea mai mare mină de aur din Europa

Finland

Finlanda

În Finlanda, renii stau liniştiţi pe marginea iazului

Renii stau liniştiţi pe marginea iazului

Notă: Fotografiile de mai sus au fost făute de colegi de-ai mei care au vizitat zona (mersi, Ana şi Ionuţ!).

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17 comentarii pentru “Iazuri de decantare din lume”

Melanie

Ce ma uimeste este faptul ca Finlanda si Noua Zeelanda sunt tari cu mult mai dezvoltate in ce priveste societatea civila si educatia despre mediu si totusi au acceptat astfel de mine. E un compromis pentru dezvoltarea economica? Daca e asa, noi ne permitem sa refuzam compromisul asta? Oricum iazurile astea sunt astfel: banuiesc ca nu traiesc vietuitoare in ele, dar nici nu omoara tot ce ating. Animalele simt instinctiv daca ceva le face rau.

Cătălin Hosu

@Melanie

Ai mare dreptate când spui că Finlanda şi Noua Zeelandă sunt mai dezvoltate. Iar astfel de proiecte nu sunt un compromis pentru dezvoltare economică, ci sunt chiar dezvoltare economică. Protecţia mediului este foarte impartantă, pentru că legislaţia care reglementează folosirea acestor tehnologii este foarte strictă. Mai ales în UE, deci şi în România. Vezi şi postarea cu Baia de Arieş: http://www.catalinhosu.ro/2009/09/cianura-in-iazuri-de-peste-50-de-ani/.

Horatiu

As vrea sa vad un articol despre dezavantajele si riscurile unei asemenea exploatari.
Ceva de genul:
– cite accidente/mina exista in lume
– ce poate sa se intimple in cel mai rau caz
– legislatia exista, in regula, dar cum putem fi siguri ca se si aplica corect pe meleagurile noastre
– compania intra in dificultati financiare si intrerupe tot: urmari
– exact ce anume toxic ramine la sfirsit
Astea sint numai citeva intrebari ce-mi trec mie prin cap in momentu asta dar sint convins ca exista un document despre riscurile exploatarii cu cianuri pe undeva.
Un link la astfel de resurse dar si raspunsurile companiei ar fi de folos.

In alta ordine de idei, niste poze cu mult verde a unor iazuri toxice nu inseamna absolut nimic. Pe de alta parte exista studii care demonstreaza ca mii de vietuitoare au murit din cauza unor iazuri similare.

Cătălin Hosu

Salut, Hora! Sunt întrebări pertinente, ale căror răspunsuri erau în plan, la un moment dat, să apară aici. Am să răspund într-un articol, poate chiar azi.

Gica Petrescu

http://mujereslibres.blogspot.com/2010/02/resisting-mining-brutal-repression-and.html
World-wide, mining operations have been associated with exploitation, corruption, violence, environmental devastation, human rights abuses, and impunity. However, despite threats and violent attacks, local movements resist mining operations and associated devastating effects. Residents in Northern Argentina have protested the opening of an open pit mining site in the town of Andalgala in the province of Catamarca. A recent police crackdown on the protest has sparked a popular uprising of citizens saying, ‘no to the mine’. Following massive protests in response to police repression this month, a judge temporarily halted further mine works planned to open in 2012.

Andalgala, man of the high mountains

The word Andalgala, in the ancient indigenous language of the Andean region, means ‘man of the high mountains’. The river Andalgala that flows between the high Andes Mountains of Catamarca has spawned an oasis. The pristine mountain water and rich valley has given life to a land of olive groves, peach orchards, sheep herds and mineral deposits. Transnational mining companies now threaten this Andean oasis, the social network in Andalgala and the entire water basin. If the company finds gold from drilling expeditions and decides to build the open pit mining site, the entire population of 20,000 inhabitants could be displaced, leaving transnational mining interests as the only man of the high mountains.

The mine is owned by Agua Rica, a subsidiary of Yamana Gold Inc., a Canadian-based gold producer which plans to begin mining operations in the town of Andalgalá in 2012. Yamana Gold has mining sites in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Honduras. Yamana failed to comply with the law in conducting a study on the environmental impact required by the provincial Mining Secretary, making exploration illegal. The Agua Rica site in Andalgala would be three times the size of another mining operation in Catamarca, La Alumbrera which has caused environmental and health risks for residents since it opened in 1998. La Alumbrera is currently the largest open pit mining site in Argentina.

Police repression

Activists from the Citizen’s Assembly of Andalgalá have been blockading the mine site for two months. The Assembly, made up of a wide array of residents, has called for a local plebiscite on mining operations. Their request was met with police force.

More than 60 people were injured on February 12 when police escorted excavating equipment through a protest blockade to the controversial open pit mine site. Police fired tear gas and rubber bullets at protesters –women and children are among the injured. Nearly 50 demonstrators were arrested, of which 12 are still being detained. The passionate police attack against anti-mining activists sparked an uprising, with protestors breaking windows, attacking mining offices and trucks owned by Agua Rica in response to the arrests and crackdown. Less than 20 hours after the police attack, more than 4,000 gathered in Andalgala’s center to protest the mine.

Leading up to the February 12 repression, the mayor of Andalgala, Jose Perea, who is so enthusiastic about the prospects of a mining invasion said in an interview with a local radio station, FM Z “if it is necessary we would kill the people maintaining the blockade against Agua Rica.” The mayor also lead a pro-mining march with nearly 100 public employees participating, which prompted a march of over 4,000 residents resisting the Agua Rica mine.

Empty promises

Andalgala resist the mining site having seen the negative effects of the La Alumbrera which has contaminated water sheds provincial wide. “After 12 years since the La Alumbrera, the largest open mining operation, the promises of wellbeing and distribution of wealth from mining has not been fulfilled in the province of Catamarca,” says the Union of Assemblies of Catamarca. The Alumbrera site uses between 600 million to 1 billion liters of water of day from depleted water tables to process the ore in a process which involves exploding mountains, removing ore, crushing the ore and mixing it with chemicals such as cyanide to make a metal rich slurry. The slurry is process and de-liquefied. The contaminated water is pumped back into aquifers and rivers. The site at Andalgala would be three times the size of Alumbrera and estimated to use 3 billion liters of water a day. The pristine waters from the mountain springs will be the source to be mixed into the pools that contain cyanide and heavy metals.

“Not only has mining generated pollution and health problems, in addition it hasn’t created jobs or resources. Catamarca continues to be or is more poor than before, Andalgala has the highest unemployment in the province,” said Urbano Cardozo in an interview with Lavaca, an alternative media collective in Argentina. No more than 40 local residents from Andalgala, out of a population of 20,000 are employed by the mine, which Mayor Parea has admitted.

“We share the air and soil, work with local suppliers, hire local employees and build relationships in the same regions in which we operate,” says Yamana Gold Inc on its website. Public relations for the Canadian company adds, “We listen to and value input from communities, embrace the rich local cultural and economic opportunities and as a result our community relations are incredibly strong.” The citizens’ demands against mining operations and the threat of displacement have fallen on deaf ears.

Threats and abuses

Anti-Mining Protest, Argentina Indymedia
In a report conducted by the UNESCO Chair of Higher Education Management, from the Technical University of Catalonia in Spain reports serious human rights violations and environmental pollution as a result of mining activities in Argentina. The report titled, “Human Rights in Northeastern Argentina 2008-2009,” describes “pressures and threats against the populations that protest against damage caused” from mining activity. In Andalgala, Raul Martinez, Diola de Martinez, Ruth Vega, Carmen Chaile and Teresita Nieto, all participants in the Andalgala Citizen’s Assembly resisting mining activities have received threats on separate occasions. The activists were called into the police station and were warned by the police chief that “if they don’t change their attitude about the blockade, next week the Border Guard and police will evict them by force, and we will beat you.” The citizen’s assembly says that one long time activist, Aldo Flores, has been the target of death threats and police harassment in the days leading up to the crackdown.

The UNESCO report defined the social responsibility of the mining companies as “an example of private assistance, that seeks to manipulate and condition freedom of thinking and consciousness of the residents in the affected that receive minute benefits from mining firms with the only objective of gaining a ‘social license’ to extract natural resources.” Among the companies mentioned in the report include Barrick Gold, Meridian Gold, Xstrata, Wheaton River Minerals y Northern Orion Resources. Currently in Argentina, there are more than 200 mining sites operating. In many of the communities, companies construct libraries, schools, public health clinics that resemble cheap warehouses, which will likely collapse shortly after the mining companies operations dry up.

Mining companies only have to pay 3 percent in royalties on minerals extracted from Argentine territory and are allowed to pollute the environment with chemicals like cyanide, used to extract mineral ores from open pit mining sites. Three percent is a small price to pay for the billions of dollars extracted in mineral ores from Argentina’s soil. Minerals have become Argentina’s largest export, valued at nearly 80 billion dollars over the past decade. In places like Catamarca, royalties represent nearly 80 percent of fiscal income. “Which is why the government does not investigate or control studies conducted by the companies,” according to the UNESCO Study.

Disappearing communities

Community groups throughout Argentina have tried shut down open pit mining sites, which national legislation permits. The struggle against mining in Andalgala has lead to a court order temporarily suspending Agua Mina from conducting further explorations. Now residents want a permanent sanction against the mining site which could literally displace the entire population, since one proposed site is located directly under residents’ homes. Nearly 600,000 people have been displaced due to mining operations and the expansion of agro-industry such as soy since 2000 according to a study conducted by environmental group Redaf, Red Agroforestal Chaco Argentina. Throughout Argentina, social movements are resisting mining, which they say is turning the nation’s natural resources into a cheap commodity for foreign transnational companies to exploit.

Gica Petrescu

Revin doar ca sa ridic stacheta…

http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/700/1/

Made in Canada Violence: Mining in Mexico
Written by Mandeep Dhillon
Thursday, 12 April 2007 08:54
The history of mining in Mexico is a long one. The riches of the Mexican sub-soil were a major motivation for Spanish colonizers and the mining industry is often accorded an important place in events leading to the Mexican Revolution; the 1906 bloody repression of striking miners working for U.S. Cananean Consolidated Copper in Sonora is often cited as a precursor to current labor struggles in Mexico. The authors of the Mexican Revolution sought to make a reality of the ideal that those who work the land should have control over it. In order to protect its land from foreign interests, Article 27 of the 1917 Mexican Constitution dictated that the land, the subsoil and its riches were all property of the Mexican State. More importantly, Article 27 recognized the lasting collective right of communities to land through the “ejido” system and limited private land ownership.

As in the colonization of Indigenous lands elsewhere, mining was an activity of primary economic importance to colonizing forces and a major cause of injury, death, land destruction and impoverishment for Indigenous communities. Not much has changed in this imbalance today. And Canadian mining corporations – with wealth created from the historic (and ongoing) take-over and exploitation of Indigenous territory in Canada – are at the lead of these colonizing forces in present day Mexico.

Important changes to the Mexican Constitution in anticipation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) resulted in the facilitation of land privatization and the entry of foreign corporations. One such change was the modification of Article 27, allowing for the sale of “ejido” land to private owners – government or third parties including foreign multi-nationals. Another was the Mining Law of 1992 which together with the Law on Foreign Investment allowed for 100% foreign investment in exploration and production. Article 6 of this Mining Law also stipulates that the exploration and exploitation of minerals will have priority over any other use of the land, such as agriculture or housing. The modifications also allowed for the participation of the private sector in the production of some minerals previously reserved to the government including coal and iron.

Though the Canadian corporate world is often seen as a secondary beneficiary of aggressive American corporate expansion – the reality of the mining industry certainly turns this myth onto its head. And the picture of mining activities in Mexico is a prime example.

The Scope of the Canadian Mining Industry

Canadian mining corporations lead the global mining industry. The Canadian industry ranks first in the global production of zinc, uranium, nickel and potash; second in sulphur, asbestos, aluminium and cadmium; third in copper and platinum group metals; fourth in gold; and fifth in lead. It has interests in over 8,300 properties worldwide – 3,400 of which are in 100 foreign countries. In Latin America and the Caribbean, which has been identified as the main current geographical target for mineral exploration, Canadian mining corporations represent the largest percentage of foreign mining companies – with interests in more than 1,200 properties. In 1998, over $4.5 billion USD were raised by Canadian mining companies through domestic and foreign projects which represented 51% of the world’s mine capital.

Canadian Corporate Interest & Mining in Mexico

The politics of neo-liberalism in Mexico, which gained important ground in the 1980s and took flight with the implementation of NAFTA, have had a tremendous impact on the presence of Canadian corporate interests in Mexico. Since NAFTA, bilateral trade between the two nations increased about 300%. According to the report, Opening Doors to the World: Canada’s International Market Priorities – 2006, “Over 1,500 Canadian companies have a presence in Mexico, and a further 3,100 are currently working on their first sales in Mexico.” Canada is Mexico’s fifth largest investor. Some of Canada’s largest corporations which have a significant presence in Mexico include Scotiabank, TransAlta, Transcontinental, Magna International, Palliser, Presion Drilling, Fairmont and Four Seasons Hotels.

In a 2005 address, the Canadian Ambassador to Mexico, Gaetan Lavertu noted that “well over half of the foreign mining concessions issued in Mexico are registered to Canadian companies. The bulk of these investments are from British Columbia…Mexico recognizes Canada’s leadership and technological advantages in the minerals and mining equipment business”.

The importance of Mexico to Canada’s mining industry is confirmed by a 2004 report entitled “Current Mexican-Canadian Relations in the Mining Sector” by Cecilia Costero. The report describes Mexico as almost entirely mineralized with an estimate of 85% of mineral reserves yet untouched. This despite the 10,380 mines which have already been exploited. After the manufacturing industry, mining is the second largest Canadian capital interest in Mexico. In 2000, this interest was to the tune of over $150 million USD. In December 2001, 225 Canadian mining corporations were operating in Mexico (over 40% of the foreign investment), 209 of which owned over 50% of the capital in their projects. In the same year, Canada led foreign nations in terms of direct investment in the Mexican mining industry. Further, Mexico imports 75% of its machinery used for mining and 4.4% of its total market needs from Canada.

Made In Canada: Violence & Displacement

The devastation and violence perpetrated by Canadian mining corporations has been documented clearly with links to human rights violations in Guatemala, Peru, Romania, the Philippines, Honduras, Ecuador, Bolivia, Ghana, Suriname, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Papua New Guinea, Tanzania, India, Indonesia, Zambia and Sudan. Though the criticism of Canadian mining corporations taking advantage of so-called weak human rights protection in the South is made often enough, significantly less is said about the role of the same corporations in the destruction and displacement of Indigenous communities within Canadian borders. In Saskatchewan, on Deline Dene territory, over 1.7 million tons of radioactive waste and tailings were dumped in and around Great Bear Lake during the 1940s and 50s, contaminating all food sources of the Dene People. The community lost 50 men due to radiation effects. Since 1990, 27% of the 609 First Nations reserves in Canada have undergone some level of exploration activity for non-metallic minerals.

In British Columbia, where over 97% of the land is yet unceded First Nations land even according to Canadian and International law, the British Columbia Mining Plan of 2005 designated over 85% of the province’s land “open to exploration” even setting up an online system for staking mineral claims. (In the right-wing Canadian think tank The Fraser Institute’s 2005/06 survey, mining corporation executives and representatives ranked B.C. 2nd for “uncertainty about native land claims” being a deterrent to mining investment; only Venezuela was ranked higher.) Mining is a $5 billion industry in B.C. with a multitude of Canada’s mining corporations based in Vancouver. In a review of a non-exhaustive list of Canadian mining companies operating in Mexico, over 60 of them locate their head-quarters in Vancouver.

Selling Mining Projects

The website of Endeavour Silver, one of those Vancouver based corporations, includes an industry article which attempts to answer the question, “Why Mexico?” The piece says that “Mexico is the world’s premier silver exploration and mining country for several reasons…mining is an integral part of national and local economies…this takes on increasing importance as migration from rural areas to cities increases due to lack of rural employment opportunities: mines create economic anchors wherever they are found, which mitigates this effect locally and allows rural residents to maintain well-paid, dignified and productive occupations.”

In actual fact, reviews of Mexican neo-liberal policies since the 1980s including NAFTA have concluded that land privatization for corporate use including mining projects has resulted in an exponential increase in displacement and migration. Since NAFTA came into effect in 1994, over 15 million Mexicans have been displaced from their lands. The myth that mining is a necessary activity for economic development has been central to the industry. Most employment created by mining projects for local residents is short term and low-paid. Furthermore, mining companies receive heavy government subsidies in most countries, leave virtual ghost-towns after their projects end and leave local governments to dispose of wastes. The environmental price and the long term cost to local communities are never calculated. In fact, the article goes on to state that “Mexico has strong environmental laws and a commitment to uphold them, but effective obstructionist environmental organizations are few”. As in the community of Cerro de San Pedro, Mexico which has been battling Toronto-based Metallica Resources Inc. for over 10 years, communities pay with the loss of their land, homes, health and lives.

“Culturally,” writes the author, “Mexicans are friendly towards mining at all levels. This means…developers can expect to be welcomed when they enter an area…in stark contrast to their reception in many other parts of the world.” Currently in Mexico, public audiences are not required by law prior to granting mining concessions. Local communities are often the last to find out about mining projects and are hardly ever informed about the projected effects of mining operations on their land and their health. This phenomenon is not limited to Mexico. Communities affected by mining in Canada, which is often attributed respect for consultation processes, have often related experiences of false consultation processes or deals made between corporations and so-called community leaders without community involvement. Such has been the case with Montreal based Niocan Inc. which has been attempting to open a Niobium mine on unceded Mohawk territory next to the community of Kanehsatake. Residents of Kanehsatake received notice of the consultation meetings only days prior and were shut out of negotiations carried out with Niocan by a Canadian government backed band-council leader that the community had attempted to oust multiple times.

These myths are not supported solely by mining corporations. The Canadian government has been an active player in pushing forward Canadian mining projects in foreign countries, including Mexico, through its embassy representatives and trade councils. This type of Canadian government pressure continues even when mining projects result in the murders of opposing local residents such as occurred during the opposition to Vancouver-based Glamis Gold’s Marlin mine in Guatemala. Along these lines, Kenneth Cook, the Canadian ambassador to Guatemala, has recently been denounced for carrying out a disinformation campaign seeking to discredit a documentary film on the recent violent eviction of the Maya Q’eqchi’ Indigenous communities near El Estor, carried out on request by another Vancouver-based corporation, Skye Resources (the video is available online at http://www.rightsaction.org/video/elestor/).

From B.C. to Oaxaca

Another reason given for Mexico being a prime location for silver exploitation on Endeavour’s website is that “politically, Mexico is the most stable country in Latin America”. Another industry report states that, “political and financial stability, legal security for investors…are all positive factors impacting Mexico’s mining industry today. However, one must also consider the highly unionized nature of its mining and metallurgical workers…and possible socio-economic issues generated by low wages and under-employment as possible road blocks to the continued prosperity of the industry”.

Weakened workers’ rights and the silencing of social movements are necessary pre-cursors to the flourishing of mining projects in Mexico and elsewhere. Industry reports such as this one are clear about it. The “political stability” that corporate and Canadian government reports allude to is certainly not social stability but rather the heavy-handed control of movements, the militarization of the country-side and the displacement of local communities that is currently being seen in Mexico and which allows for the implementation and protection of corporate investment.

The world has recently become witness to Oaxaca’s social movement that is calling for an end to years of impoverishment through neo-liberal policies, displacement of Indigenous communities and government violence. The state violence against this movement has recently increased to unprecedented levels. Oaxaca, like the rest of Mexico’s south is rich in natural resources that have been the target of foreign corporations for years. Vancouver based Continuum Resources already has ten projects in Oaxaca at various stages, covering over 70, 000 hectares of land and “continuing to consolidate larger land positions”. At the end of September, Vancouver based Chesapeake Gold Corp announced it had optioned 70% of its two Oaxaca projects to Vancouver’s Pinnacle Mines. Horseshoe Gold Mining Inc., also based in Vancouver, acquired 60% interest in Almaden’s Fuego prospect located in Oaxaca and Halifax’s Linear Gold Corp also owns an active project in the state. Neighbouring Chiapas, another of Mexico’s most impoverished and most militarized states is also the target of Canadian mining projects. From 2003 to 2006, the federal government has granted a total of 72 mining concessions in Chiapas, representing a total of 727,435 hectares. More than 55% (419,337 hectares) of these lands conceded without any information or consultation with local communities lies in the hands of two Canadian mining corporations alone: Linear Gold Corp and Fronteer Development Group.

Canadian mining corporations in Oaxaca and Chiapas are not just witnesses to the violence that is occurring there but rely on that violence to protect their profits. Businesses and governments have identified one of NAFTA’s short-comings as the failure of its benefits reaching Mexico’s southern states rather than an increase in poverty and inequality caused by NAFTA itself. In more recent business reports and talks between Canada, the U.S. and Mexico focused on the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP), the opening up of Mexico’s energy resources – in particular to Canadian corporations – has been accorded prime importance. (So has the further development of energy sources in Canada.) According to the Independent Task Force on the Future of North America, which has been identified as one of the major business think-tanks behind the SPP, “improvements in human capital and physical infrastructure in Mexico, particularly in the center and south of the country, would knit these regions more firmly into the North American economy and are in the economic and security interest of all three countries”. It comes as no surprise that the same corporate and government bodies are calling for expansions of Canada’s exploitative agricultural guest-worker program which they cite as an example of bi-lateral success. For Canadian and Mexican governments and business, such guest-worker programs are a win-win situation as they provide a means to control forced migration caused by corporate and military displacement while reaping the economic benefits of a moveable, exploitable labor force in Canada and through remittances sent to Mexico. According to a Mexican government official who ran the program for two years in one of the southern states, these programs also allow for the Mexican government to weaken social movement building by intermittently removing thousands of its poorest citizens. Canadian complicity in increasing displacement both at home and in Mexico is to be anticipated.

The perception of Canada as the U.S.’ junior partner often comes with a lack of clarity on Canadian responsibility in the history of violence and displacement within and beyond its national borders. Often, language around Canada-based solidarity work with the struggles of Indigenous communities, campesino and labor movements in Mexico distorts the responsibility of Canadian governmental and corporate players in the violence which has engendered those movements. Canadian mining corporations are but one example of how Canadians are complicit beyond just silence on the issues but through a very active process. The reality of mining also offers a concrete point of solidarity between those who have been displaced from the South and Indigenous communities in “Canada”. Allies in Canada also cannot limit solidarity work to pointing fingers at a “corrupt Mexican government” or U.S. imperialist drive. To get to the roots of this displacement, there is a need to first look inwards at what is being perpetrated against Indigenous communities here and how the authors of that violence are also dictating crimes against the people of Oaxaca, Chiapas and other parts of Mexico.

On occupied Coast Salish land, here in Vancouver, these relationships visibly come full circle. As development for the 2010 Olympics causes the destruction of Indigenous land, the gentrification of the Down Town East Side and the repression of First Nations peoples both outside and inside the city, many of the unsafe, slave-wage construction jobs are being filled by Mexican men who are coming from impoverished communities that have similarly been repressed in the name of development. In the background stand the tall office buildings of West Vancouver that house the majority of its mining and “development” conglomerates.

Written by Mandeep Dhillon with help from Antoine Libert Amico. Dhillon is an organizer with No One Is Illegal Vancouver and Justicia Para Trabajadores
Migrantes B.C.

Cătălin Hosu

@Gică

La Roşia Montană avem o comunitate care doreşte acest proiect, în marea ei majoritate. Deci, iarăşi compari mere cu pere.

Gica Petrescu

Catalin,
E tot ce poti sa raspunzi la ce am postat?
Doar ca exista o comunitate care vrea proiectul?
Acea comunitate strans unita in jurul proiectului e formata deasemenea din angajatii si interesatii pecuniar ai RGMC ce locuiesc in Bucuresti, Londra, Toronto etc.. si care sunt direct “afectati” de exploatare?
Ce ii face o comunitate e toar interesul pe 2 – mamxim 20 ani?

Catalin trebuie sa vii cu ceva mai convingator…

Cătălin Hosu

@Gică

Cred că cel mai convingător este raportul studiului de Evaluare a Impactului asupra Mediului.
Şi poate vrei să arunci un ochi şi aici. Eu cred că este destul de convingător.

aceasi

Comunitatea de care zici tu ca este de acord cu proiectul sunt fosti mineri, majoritatea analfabeti care habar n-au de consecintele proiectului. Ei vad numai ca vor avea locuri de munca, dar sunt prea prosti sa caute si sa citeasca ce inseamna defapt mineritul de aur cu cianuri. Zici ca altundeva in lume se poate, dar omiti sa pomenesti ca si acolo dupa ce initial au fost de acord cand au vazut ce se intampla au inceput protestele impotriva. La Kittila lucreaza numai 400 de oameni, nu cred ca a meritat pentru ei sa distruga un munte intreg si padurile. Stii de ce stau renii atat de linistiti acolo? pentru ca n-au unde sa se duca. Padurea in care ar trebui sa stea linistiti a fost rasa. Trebuie sa-ti reamintesc ca cianura se evapora la 25 de grade C ? Stii ca distruge sistemul nervos central? intelegi ce-ti scriu sau trebuie sa-ti desenez? Hitler a folosit cianura in vestitele camere de gazare. Stiu minerii faptul asta?

Cătălin Hosu

@aceasi

Bine că eşti tu deşteaptă!

Pentru limbajul folosit, complet lipsit de respect faţă de comunitatea din Roşia Montană şi faţă de mine, de acum înainte pe caest blog îţi vor fi permise doar întrebările relevante şi comentariile care folosesc un limbaj decent.

Vasy

Sincer am urmarit acest proiect prin media si prin tot felul de bloguri, dar vreau sa iti spun @Cataline ca pe mine unul nu m-ai convins deloc ca ar fi bun acest proiect pentru Romania (zic chestia asta dupa ce am citit articolul si comentariile). Din cate am vazut eu ai dat foarte multe raspunsuri evazive.
As vrea sa stiu si eu daca este o persoana (sau un grup de persoane ) responsabil de respectarea normelor, si care in caz de dezastru ecologic sa poata fi trasi la raspundere in fata legii?

PS: Ar fii nevoie de o lista din asta (cu responsabili) sa stim cine trebuie legat in caz ca nu se respecta legea. Sau se intentioneaza sa se mearga pe calea usoara:
– scoatem aurul
– zicem ca suntem falimentati
– plecam
– zeci de ani de procese unde nimeni nu poate fi acuzat
– eu romanul de rand raman cu un gust amar

Merci,
Vasile

bine

Vrei sa zici ca are voie sa comenteze numai cine este de acord cu tine si cu proiectul. Nu stiu ce ai cu limbajul meu, nu am injurat si nici n-am folosit cuvinte indecente. Daca e vorba de intrebari relevante hai sa trecem la subiect. Nu ma consider desteapta, asa cum m-ai facut tu, dar stiu cu ce fel de aparate si masini lucreaza in minele de asa anvergura. Crezi ca “minerii nostrii” sunt calificati? Cel mai bun exemplu sunt cele mai mari camioane din lume. Nu trebuie sa fii destept, toata lumea a vazut la televizor camioane a caror roata e cat o casa cu etaj. Crezi ca exista in tara cineva care e calificat pentru utilajele respective? Daca proiectul va fi aprobat RMGC nu v-a avea timp si bani sa invete niste fermieri/tarani/padurari cum se lucreaza cu acele “nave spatiale”. Dupa parerea mea isi vor aduce personal calificat si oamenii de aici vor fi simpli gunoieri. Astept raspunsul la intrebare. Acum am fost destul de respectuoasa?

Cătălin Hosu

@bine

Poate să comenteze oricine foloseşte un limbaj civilizat. Al tău nu a fost deloc civilizat, plin de prejudecăţi şi judecăţi făcute fără o prealabilă documentare. La ce mă refer? La comentariile tale: http://www.catalinhosu.ro/2010/04/o-mina-de-aur-care-foloseste-cianura-in-mijlocul-unui-oras/comment-page-1/#comment-892 şi http://www.catalinhosu.ro/2010/03/iazuri-de-decantare-cu-cianura/comment-page-1/#comment-893.

Ai numit proşti şi analfabeţi nişte oameni pe care nu-i cunoşti, pe care nu i-ai întâlnit niciodată.

Ai emis nişte ipoteze complet greşite (nu vreau să le zic minciuni sau dezinformări, că nu am dovezi că eşti rău intenţionată). De exemplu, că mina Martha s-a închis în 1952, însă o minimă documentare pe net te ducea la http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martha_Mine şi http://www.marthamine.co.nz/, unde vedeai că mina funcţionează şi astăzi.

Spui că oamenii de aici habar nu au de mineritul cu cianuri. Află atunci că aurul de la Roşia Montană a fost scos cu cianură în ultimii 50 de ani, la Baia de Arieş. Şi aşa arată iazurile de la Baia de Arieş acum: http://www.catalinhosu.ro/2009/09/cianura-in-iazuri-de-peste-50-de-ani/. Deci o altă informaţie greşită.

Altă afirmaţie greşită de-a ta: că la Kittila s-a distrus un munte. Nu a fost nici un munte acolo, ci e teren plat. Da, poate că au tăiat ceva păduri. Şi da, şi proiectul Roşia Montană presupune tăiere de păduri, vreo 250 de hectare, însă presupune şi plantarea a 1.000 de hectare.

Mai spuneai că cianura distruge sistemul nervos central. Da, în cantităţi mari îl afectează. Acelaşi lucru îl face şi alcoolul, sau alte substanţe. De-aia se numesc substanţe periculoase pentru că sunt periculoase şi trebuie tratate şi gestionate ca atare. Dar tu ştiai, de exemplu, că doar 13% din producţia mondială de cianură se foloseşte în minerit, iar restul merge în industria cosmetică, farmaceutică, a maselor plastice, a aditivilor alimentari etc? Sau că pe lista substanţelor periculoase a Agenţiei de Protecţie a Mediului din SUA cianura se află pe locul 28? Sau că nu se mai evaporă la 25 de grade dacă are un pH mare, de la 10 în sus?

Da, si dacă poţi, te rog desenează-mi, în special părerea localnicilor din Kittila şi a autorităţilor locale despre proiectul minier de acolo.

Mai vorbeşti din auzite, pardon, din văzute la TV, despre “cele mai mari camioane din lume”. Diametrul cauciucurilor are 3-4 metri şi sunt nişte minuni ale tehnicii. Şi să zicem că nu există acum nimeni în România calificat pentru aşa ceva. Nici acum 5-6 ani nu era nimeni din România calificat în arheologie minieră de subteran. Însă au lucrat cu arheologii francezi specializaţi în aşa ceva şi au făcut specializare în Franţa, deci acum sunt şi în România.

Şi mai e ceva ce văd că ştii tu foarte bine: “RMGC nu v-a (sic!) avea timp si bani sa invete niste fermieri/tarani/padurari cum se lucreaza cu acele «nave spatiale»” şi “isi vor aduce personal calificat si oamenii de aici vor fi simpli gunoieri”. Nu înţeleg de ce nu va avea timp şi nu înţeleg de unde ai dedus că nu va avea bani.

Am văzut că ai trecut de la proşti şi analfabeţi la “fermieri/tarani/padurari”. E ceva, dar tot greşit este. Pentru că oamenii de aici sunt mineri. De 2.000 de ani.

Cătălin Hosu

@Vasile

Nu vreau să te conving nici pe tine, nici pe altcineva. Vreau doar să ofer informaţii reale despre proiectul minier propus, direct de la sursă. Voi încerca să-ţi răspund mai jos.

Răspunderea aparţine directorului general şi directorului de mediu. Este o răspundere de natură penală.

Falimentul/calea uşoară pe care îl/o menţionezi tu nu e posibil/ă, pentru că:
– planul de închidere a minei trebui să existe şi să fie aprobat încă dinainte de începerea exploatării, o dată cu acordul de mediu; dacă vrei să-l citeşti: http://www.rmgc.ro/sites/default/files/evaluare-impact/RMP_PMJ_Reabilitare_mai06.pdf.
– directiva europeană de gestionare a deşeurilor din industria extractivă prevede plata unei sume la înfiinţarea fiecărui depozit de deşeuri
– legislaţiile românească şi europeană prevăd ca încă dinainte de începerea exploatării să se constituie o garanţie financiară de mediu, un fond care va fi la dispoziţia statului român pentru închidere şi reabilitare, daca titularul proiectului nu-şi face treaba.

Dacă mai ai întrebări, am să încerc să le dau răspuns.

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